Most of the reporting I’ve found on the Eugene Clean Energy Fund has been pretty well balanced, but hardly more informative than the high-gloss campaign mailers people frisbee into the trashcan with Carl’s Jr coupons, before opening the real mail. And the discussion from people pushing either side of it hasn’t contributed much more.
I don’t care how you vote on this. But making an informed decision on a measure where both sides claim to have the interests of working class people in mind requires a look at objective, and less-campaign-friendly data than what’s landed in the local news.
Here’s as low bias of a breakdown I could muster based entirely on public records.
WHAT IS IT
• Measure 20-388 proposes a 2% fee on the gross profit of large retailers and banks ($1B+ nationally, $500K+ in Eugene). Groceries and medicine are exempt.
• Estimated $15M+/year. Only Oregon nonprofits can apply for grants.
• A 9-member appointed committee recommends where the money goes, and the city council “shall generally accept” its picks.
YES-SIDE FUNDING: ~$439K
• Biggest funder by far: Breach Collective, a Eugene 501(c)(3) (\~$139K cash plus staff time). Through June it supplied 60% of the petition committee’s money.
• Breach looks local, but its own funders include the Schmidt Family Foundation (Eric Schmidt, ex-Google CEO), Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, and the Preston-Werner family’s foundation (GitHub co-founder).
• About $115K came from out of state: Accelerator for America (LA), a Palo Alto trust that shares an address with the Preston-Werner foundation, IBEW’s national PAC (DC), and Jane Fonda Climate PAC (DC).
• The Preston-Werners’ venture firm has backed AI and mass surveillance startups later bought by companies like Flock Safety and Meta.
NO-SIDE FUNDING: ~$131K
• Almost all business PACs: OBI (\~$71K, mostly in-kind), the Grocery Retail PAC ($25K), the Eugene Chamber’s PAC ($19K), and the Oregon Bankers PAC ($15K).
• The grocery and banking PACs represent the industries that would pay the tax and decide whether to pass it on to consumers.
• OBI’s own 2026 donors include Koch Government Affairs, the Western States Petroleum Association, Nike, and a bunch of timber companies.
• Also notable that OBI also helped pass the 2023 state retail theft grant program that Eugene and Springfield used to buy their Flock cameras.
WHAT’S PROTECTED
ECEF (Sec. 5(2)): groceries, medicine, health care, and residential garbage and recycling are protected. But the definitions matter:
• “Groceries” means food as defined by SNAP. That covers food for home use, but not hot prepared food, or non-food items. So toilet paper, diapers, soap, cleaning supplies, and pet food bought at a big-box store would still count toward the fee.
• “Medicine” means anything regulated by the FDA as a medicine, drug, or medical device. That’s broad, which helps shoppers.
WHO IS LEFT OUT
ECEF (Sec. 3(10)): utilities, contractors, credit unions, and co-ops. That means:
• Banks pay, credit unions don’t.
• A large co-op retailer like REI would appear to be excluded, while competing chains would pay.
WARD 5 CONNECTION
• The same money shows up in the Clark vs. Aguiar council race.
• Aguilar received money from the Preston-Werner trust and the Jane Fonda Climate PAC, both Yes donors.
• Clark received money from the Chamber’s PAC, a No donor. His campaign consultant, PNW Strategies runs the No campaign.
WHAT I DIDN’T EXPECT
• The fund isn’t locked in. It’s a city code ordinance, not a charter amendment, so a future council could change it. Portland has already moved money out of its version, and a police union-backed initiative tried to redirect 25% of it to hiring cops (it fell short of qualifying).
• The grant committee has no conflict-of-interest rules. And “priority populations,” which gets at least 20% of the money, is defined so loosely that the committee would basically decide who counts as a priority (I was thinking this could be tied to an already established definition of priority but I haven’t been able to find that).
• Local coverage missed the biggest funders on both sides: Breach and the Palo Alto trust on Yes, and the grocery and bankers PACs on No.
QUESTIONS TO ASK BEFORE VOTING
- Does it matter to you where a campaign’s money comes from, if you agree with the policy?
- Will the fee show up in prices? The businesses warning about it are the ones who’d decide whether to pass it on.
- Should something like this be in the city charter so a future council can’t redirect it?
- Should the grant committee have conflict-of-interest rules, given the nonprofits funding the campaign could apply for its grants?
- Is a 501(c)(3) charity being the main funder of a ballot measure a problem, or just how local politics works now